【www.gbppp.com--人生感悟】
每每看到风把叶子扯落，总会有些凄凉的想：人生也不过如此吧，所谓的漫漫人生长途，归根到底就是一瞬间。所有的努力，所有的时间，所有的荣耀，所有的悲哀，也不过是为那一瞬间做铺垫罢了：而那一瞬之后，一切的所有的所有，都被磨得干干净净，一丝痕迹也不留下的，全部灰飞烟灭。既然这样，到底有什么价值？明明已知晓结局，却也得走下去，一步一步，坚定的走下去；就像是旅行，你知道你的目的地，却永远不可能知道沿途的风景——在那里，哪一棵树会落叶，哪朵花会开放，那片云会哭泣，那阵风替他擦去泪痕，哪束阳光为他抚平创伤？不得而知。就是因为未知，才会去探险。就是因为未知，才会去开拓。就是因为未知，才会有梦想。就是因为未知，才会继续走下去。落叶纷飞。我低头，拾起那金色的碎片——它正冲我笑着，颇有几分凄凉。我想我错了。人生，其实很漫长……
竞赛文章来源于《时代》周刊杂志，提供超链接如下：
第二届《参考消息》读者译文大赛原文出处
几个竞赛细则：1、竞赛形式英译中，截稿日期2011年9月18日。参赛译作寄至：北京市宣武门西大街57号参考消息报社读者译文竞赛组委会，邮编100803。信封上注明“参赛译作”字样；高校学生注明“高校学生参赛译作”。译作和参赛卡也可以通过电子邮件发往大赛组委会指定电子邮箱：ckbei@xinhua.org。
2、请将参赛译作用电脑打印或用稿纸誊写清楚（请不要使用有单位名称标识的稿纸）；在译作前附A4纸，上贴参赛卡（请从报纸剪下、复印有效），将个人信息填写在内，为保证公平，参赛译作内不得有任何个
人信息，否则被视为无效。
3、参赛译作一稿有效，恕不接受修改稿；邮寄方式与电子邮件不得同时使用。参赛者不可将译作在本次活动期间（从公布赛事到颁奖期间）在任何媒体上发表（包括书报刊及网络），否则取消评奖资格。竞赛组委会拟于11月在本报及新华网竞赛官方网页公布竞赛结果，并向竞赛获奖者颁奖。组委会电话：（010）
63071120。
译 文 大 赛 参 赛 卡
Osama bin Laden long fancied himself something of a poet. His compositions tended to the morbid, and a poem written two years after 9/11 in which he contemplated the circumstances of his death was no exception. Bin Laden wrote, "Let my grave be an eagle's belly, its resting place in the sky's atmosphere amongst perched eagles."
As it turns out, bin Laden's grave is somewhere at the bottom of the Arabian Sea, to which his body was consigned after his death in Pakistan at the hands of U.S. Navy SEALs. If there is poetry in bin Laden's end, it is the poetry of justice, and it calls to mind what President George W. Bush had predicted would happen in a speech he gave to Congress just nine days after 9/11. In an uncharacteristic burst of eloquence, Bush asserted that bin Laden and al-Qaeda would eventually be consigned to "history's unmarked grave of discarded lies。"
Though bin Laden's body may have been buried at sea on May 2, the burial of bin Ladenism has been a decade in the making. Indeed, it began on the very day of bin Laden's greatest triumph. At first glance, the 9/11 assault looked like a stunning win for al-Qaeda, a ragtag band of jihadists who had bloodied the nose of the world's only superpower. But on closer look it became something far less significant, because the attacks on【漫长的人生】
Washington and New York City did not achieve bin Laden's key strategic goal: the withdrawal of the U.S. from the Middle East, which he imagined would lead to the collapse of all the American-backed authoritarian regimes in the region.
Instead, the opposite happened: the U.S. invaded and occupied first Afghanistan and then Iraq. By attacking the American mainland and inviting reprisal, al-Qaeda — which means "the base" in Arabic — lost the best base it had ever had: Taliban-ruled Afghanistan. In this sense, 9/11 was similar to another surprise attack, that on Pearl Harbor on the morning of Dec. 7, 1941, a stunning tactical victory that set in motion events that would end in the defeat of imperial Japan.
Shrewder members of bin Laden's inner circle had warned him before 9/11 that antagonizing the U.S. would be counterproductive, and internal al-Qaeda memos written after the fall of the Taliban and later recovered by the U.S. military show that some of bin Laden's followers fully understood the folly of the attacks. In 2002 an al-Qaeda insider wrote to another, saying, "Regrettably, my brother ... during just six months, we lost what we built in years."
The responsibility for that act of hubris lies squarely with bin Laden: despite his reputation for shyness and diffidence, he ran al-Qaeda as a【漫长的人生】
dictatorship. His son Omar recalls that the men who worked for his father had a habit of requesting permission before they spoke with their leader, saying, "Dear prince, may I speak?" Joining al-Qaeda meant taking a personal religious oath of allegiance to bin Laden, just as joining the Nazi Party had required swearing personal fealty to the Führer. So bin Laden's group became just as much a hostage to its leader's flawed strategic vision as the Nazis were to Hitler's.
The key to understanding this vision and all of bin Laden's actions was his utter conviction that he was an instrument of God's will. In short, he was a religious zealot. That zealotry first revealed itself when he was a teenager. Khaled Batarfi, a soccer-playing buddy of bin Laden's on the streets of Jidda, Saudi Arabia, where they both grew up, remembers his solemn friend praying seven times a day (two more than mandated by Islamic convention) and fasting twice a week in imitation of the Prophet Muhammad. For entertainment, bin Laden would assemble a group of friends at his house to chant songs about the liberation of Palestine.
Bin Laden's religious zeal was colored by the fact that his family had made its vast fortune as the principal contractor renovating the holy sites of Mecca and Medina, which gave him a direct connection to Islam's holiest places. In his early 20s, bin Laden worked in the family business; he was a priggish young man who was also studying economics at a university.
His destiny would change with the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in late 1979. The Afghan war prompted the billionaire's son to launch an ambitious plan to confront the Soviets with a small group of Arabs under his command. That group eventually provided the nucleus of al-Qaeda, which bin Laden founded in 1988 as the war against the Soviets began to wind down. The purpose of al-Qaeda was to take jihad to other parts of the globe and eventually to the U.S., the nation he believed was leading a Western conspiracy to destroy true Islam. In the 1990s bin Laden would often describe America as "the head of the snake."
Jamal Khalifa, his best friend at the university in Jidda and later also his brother-in-law, told me bin Laden was driven not only by a desire to implement what he saw as God's will but also by a fear of divine punishment if he failed to do so. So not defending Islam from what he came to believe was its most important enemy would be disobeying God, something he would never do.
In 1997, when I was a producer for CNN, I met with bin Laden in eastern Afghanistan to film his first television interview. He struck me as intelligent and well informed, someone who comported himself more like
a cleric than like the revolutionary he was quickly becoming. His
followers treated bin Laden with great deference, referring to him as "the sheik," and hung on his every pronouncement.
During the course of that interview, bin Laden laid out his rationale for his plan to attack the U.S., whose support for Israel and the regimes in Saudi Arabia and Egypt made it, in his mind, the enemy of Islam. Bin Laden also explained that the U.S. was as weak as the Soviet Union had been, and he cited the American withdrawal from Vietnam in the 1970s as evidence for this view. He poured scorn on the notion that the U.S. thought of itself as a superpower "even after all these successive defeats."
That would turn out to be a dangerous delusion, which would culminate in bin Laden's death at the hands of the same U.S. soldiers he had long disparaged as weaklings. Now that he is gone, there will inevitably be some jockeying to succeed him. A U.S. counterterrorism official told me that there was "no succession plan in place" to replace bin Laden. While the Egyptian Ayman al-Zawahiri had long been his deputy, he is not the natural, charismatic leader that bin Laden was. U.S. officials believe that al-Zawahiri is not popular with his colleagues, and they hope there will be disharmony and discord as the militants sort out the succession. As they do so, the jihadists will be mindful that their world has passed them by. The al-Qaeda leadership, its foot soldiers and its ideology played no role in the series of protests and revolts that have rolled across the Middle East and North Africa, from Tunisia to Egypt and then on to Bahrain, Yemen and Libya. Bin Laden must have watched these events unfold with a mixture of excitement and deep worry. Overthrowing the dictatorships and monarchies of the Middle East was long his central goal, but the Arab revolutions were not the kind he had envisioned. Protesters in the streets of Tunis and Cairo didn't carry placards with pictures of bin Laden's face, and the Facebook revolutionaries who launched the uprisings represent everything al-Qaeda hates: they are secular, liberal and antiauthoritarian, and their ranks include women. The eventual outcome of these revolts will not be to al-Qaeda's satisfaction either, because almost no one in the streets of Egypt, Libya or Yemen is clamoring for the imposition of a Taliban-style theocracy, al-Qaeda's preferred end for the states in the region.
Between the Arab Spring and the death of bin Laden, it is hard to imagine greater blows to al-Qaeda's ideology and organization. President Obama has characterized al-Qaeda and its affiliates as "small men on the wrong side of history." For al-Qaeda, that history just sped up, as bin Laden's body floated down into the ocean deeps and its proper place in the unmarked grave of discarded lies.【漫长的人生】
漫长的人生路
奥萨马·本·拉登长期以来总是自诩为诗人，他的文字往往呈现了一种病态的景象，在“9·11”事件后的第二年，他曾写道：“多愿我的坟墓是为鹰腹，长眠于万里长空。“
然而，事实上，埋葬本·拉登的却是北阿拉伯海冰冷的海水，这儿是美国海豹突击队为其选中的最后安息地（在他被击死后，美国海豹突击队动用“卡尔·文森号“航空母舰送至北阿拉伯海）。假若有诗为本·拉登之死作证，那么一定是正义之诗了，或是使人回想起乔治·w·布什总统曾在“9·11”事件发生之后的第九天给国会的一则预言。在这则毫不特殊的演讲里，布什曾断言：本·拉登和基地组织都将驶进历史的尽头“像无名墓碑一般相忘与历史”。
尽管本·拉登已于5月2日深埋与海底，但是一场更浩瀚的‘葬礼’正在酝酿，其实，这早始于本·拉登巨大的胜利之日。咋看之下，“9·11”恐怖袭击似乎是基地组织的无与伦比的胜利，是这有底层人民组成的“圣战主义分子”触及美国这个霸权国度的最佳途径。可是，进一步分析的话，你将发现那次袭击活动的收益是极其微小——那次活动并没有达到本·拉登所期望的战略目标：美国大兵从中东地区撤退，或是如他想象的那样美国强权在该地区的陨落。
相反的，这次袭击事件的活动结果是引起了美国对阿富汗和伊拉克地区的相继用兵。袭击美国本土的恐怖活动回馈给基地组织的是其在阿拉伯的“基地”的终结，和他们曾经拥有的合伙人——塔利班控制下的阿富汗。在某种意义上而言，“9·11”事件与1941年12月7日晨曦珍珠港偷袭事件是一般性质的，这是一次战略技术上的胜利，可却导致了大日本帝国的没落。
早在“9·11”恐怖袭击事件之前就有较精明的本·拉登的亲信告诫道：这样的行动必将引起美国的报复打击的；在塔利班倒台之后，由美国军方复原的基地组织内部资料显示，其实有不少基地分子认为这次活动是非常不明智的一次行动。2002年，一名基地分子在写给另一名伙伴的心中提到“非常惋惜，我的兄弟。。。。在过去六个月里，将我们多年来苦心经营的一切毁于一旦了。”
本·拉登无疑是极其傲慢自大的一个人：尽管他给人感觉是腼腆，踟躇的样子，可他领导下的基地却是一个独裁政体。其子奥马尔回忆道：那些基地成员都养成了这样一个习惯，那就是在开口发言之前，总会先请示：“尊敬的王子阁下，我可以略陈一二吗？”。加入基地组织，其实真的很像加入了纳粹党，都要向元首表示自己的个人忠诚，同样的，本·拉登信徒也像希特勒的纳粹分子一样，都只是他们领导人错误战略决定下的牺牲品。
理解这次恐怖活动和本·拉登所有其他行动的关键是了解他的信仰，他说他深信自己是上帝意志的行动者。简而言之，他是一位狂热的宗教信徒，且这样狂热的行为早在他还真青少年的时候就已初露端倪了。卡勒德，一个同他一起长大，一起在沙特阿拉伯街边踢足球长大的伙伴，记得他的这位朋友一天里总要朝拜好几回，远比伊斯兰风俗多的多，而且效仿先知穆罕默德以每周两次的速度增加。平日的娱乐活动，本·拉登也是约一班朋友在自己的豪宅里阔谈有关巴勒斯坦自由的话题。
他的命运在1979年苏联入侵阿富汗的那一刻改写了，阿富汗战争激起了这位百万富翁之子的勃勃野心，促成了他组建只记得队伍限制苏联红军的宏伟计划。而随着1988年反苏联红军行动的落幕，这一股人员也就顺应成为了基地组
推荐访问: