【www.gbppp.com--演讲稿】
1929年1月15日,小马丁·路德·金出生在美国亚特兰大市奥本街501号,一幢维多利亚式的小楼里。他的父亲是牧师,母亲是教师。他从母亲那里学会了怎样去爱、同情和理解他人;从父亲那里学到了果敢、坚强、率直和坦诚。但他在黑人区生活,也感受到人格的尊严和作为黑人的痛苦。15岁时,聪颖好学的金以优异成绩进入摩尔豪斯学院攻读社会学,后获得文学学士学位。
尽管美国战后经济发展很快,强大的政治、军事力量使它登上了“自由世界”盟主的交椅。可国内黑人却在经济和政治上受到歧视与压迫。面对丑恶的现实,金立志为争取社会平等与正义作一名牧师。他先后就读于克拉泽神学院和波士顿大学,于1955年获神学博士学位后,到亚拉巴马州蒙哥马利市得克斯基督教浸礼会教堂作牧师。
1955年12月,蒙哥马利节警察当局以违反公共汽车座位隔离条令为由,逮捕了黑人妇女罗莎·帕克斯。金遂同几位黑人积极分子组织起“蒙哥马利市政改进协会”,号召全市近5万名黑人对公共法与公司进行长达1年的抵制,迫使法院判决取消地方运输工具上的座位隔离。这是美国南部黑人第一次以自己的力量取得斗争胜利,从而揭开了持续10余年的民权运动的序幕,也使金博士锻炼成民权运动的领袖。
1968年4月4日,金被种族分子暗杀。
美国政府规定,从1986年起,每年1月的第3个星期一为小马丁·路德·金全国纪念日。
关于非暴力主张
伴随着种族主义长大的马丁·路德·金,深受种族主义的伤害,所以他积极参加反对种族隔离制度的斗争。但他主张的却是非暴力的斗争,而这种斗争方式的确是有思想原因的。他受甘地主义和基督教教义影响很深,是一位典型的和平主义者。他强调在争取黑人自由平等权利的斗争中,不应干违法的事,不能让“创造性的抗议堕落成为暴力行为”,必须要有“用精神力量对付武力”的崇高境界。这里的精神力量在他看来,就是要以基督教宣传的“博爱”、“仁慈”来感化黑人的敌人并使之放下屠刀。
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金之所以有这种思想与其青年时的学习有直接关系的。他在宾夕法尼亚的克罗泽学院学习时,利用业余时间,阅读了著名的神学著作——人们写的关于信仰的书,还有哲学著作——关于生活方式的书。这些书的思想给其留下了深刻的印象,并最终用于实践。但使马丁·路德·金最为激动的则是圣雄甘地的思想。甘地的非暴力,或称精神力量的哲学是印度人民对抗英帝国主义政治、军事力量的精神支柱。印度人民不断举行示威游行,反对外国政治的统治,无论这样统治是否出于善意。也无论是否正确,他们要自己来做出决定。
甘地说虽然他们必须准备好为取得独立而牺牲自己的生命,他们也决不可为此而进行杀戮——不管受到多么粗暴的对待。
马丁开始相信在印度能取得胜利,在美国也可以。他用自己的行动领导了一场声势浩大的以非暴力为原则的民权运动。
本次演讲背景
50年代的美国南部,好像一座对付“解放了的”黑人的监狱。而阿拉巴马州又是种族歧视最为猖獗的一个州,在这里,黑人的选举权力受到野蛮剥夺和限制,骇人听闻的迫害黑人的私刑暴行不断发生,种族隔离制度使黑人不能与白人同校,不能在同一个教堂做礼拜,不准进入为白人开设的旅馆、客栈、饭馆和娱乐场所,连公共汽车站上也树立了栅栏,规定白人黑人分别上车。
年轻的伴随着种族主义歧视长大的黑人牧师马丁·路德·金到任不久,便参加并领导了1955年蒙哥马利市黑人抵制乘坐公共汽车的反种族歧视运动,最终迫使美国最高法院作出取消这种制度的决定。1963年他组织的伯明翰黑人争取自由平等权利的大规模游行示威,把黑人运动从南方推向北方。8月28日,斗争达到高潮。25万人聚集首都华盛顿,以和平集会方式举行“自由进军”的示威,就在林肯纪念堂前,马丁·路德·金向示威群众发表了这篇激动人心的演说。在演讲中,表达了他的非暴力主义思想以及他对自由平等公正的追求与憧憬。
马丁路德金演讲稿 I have a dream
I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation. 今天,我高兴地同大家一起,参加这次将成为我国历史上为了争取自由而举行的最伟大的示威集会。
Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic【马丁路德金简介】
shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity. 2
100年前,一位伟大的美国人——今天我们就站在他象征性的身影下——签署了《解放宣言》。这项重要法令的颁布,对于千百万灼烤于非正义残焰中的黑奴,犹如带来希望之光的硕大灯塔,恰似结束漫漫长夜禁锢的欢畅黎明。
But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One
hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One
hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.
然而,100年后,黑人依然没有获得自由。100年后,黑人依然悲惨地蹒跚于种族隔离和种族歧视的枷锁之下。100年后,黑人依然生活在物质繁荣翰海的贫困孤岛上。100年后,黑人依然在美国社会中间向隅而泣,依然感到自己在国土家园中流离漂泊。所以,我们今天来到这里,要把这骇人听闻的情况公诸于众。
In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the "unalienable Rights" of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds."
从某种意义上说,我们来到国家的首都是为了兑现一张支票。我们共和国的缔造者在拟写宪法和独立宣言的辉煌篇章时,就签署了一张每一个美国人都能继承的期票。这张期票向所有人承诺——不论白人还是黑人——都享有不可让渡的生存权、自由权和追求幸福权。然而,今天美国显然对她的有色公民拖欠着这张期票。美国没有承兑这笔神圣的债务,而是开始给黑人一张空头支票——一张盖着“资金不足”的印戳被退回的支票。
But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we've come to cash this check, a 3
check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.
但是,我们决不相信正义的银行会破产。我们决不相信这个国家巨大的机会宝库会资金不足。因此,我们来兑现这张支票。这张支票将给我们以宝贵的自由和正义的保障。
We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of
cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.
我们来到这块圣地还为了提醒美国:现在正是万分紧急的时刻。现在不是从容不迫悠然行事或服用渐进主义镇静剂的时候。现在是实现民主诺言的时候。现在是走出幽暗荒凉的种族隔离深谷,踏上种族平等的阳关大道的时候。现在是使我们国家走出种族不平等的流沙,踏上充满手足之情的磐石的时候。现在是使上帝所有孩子真正享有公正的时候。
It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights.
忽视这一时刻的紧迫性,对于国家将会是致命的。自由平等的朗朗秋日不到来,黑人顺情合理哀怨的酷暑就不会过去。1963年不是一个结束,而是一个开端。 如果国家依然我行我素,那些希望黑人只需出出气就会心满意足的人将大失所望。在黑人得到公民权之前,美国既不会安宁,也不会平静。
The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.
反抗的旋风将继续震撼我们国家的基石,直至光辉灿烂的正义之日来临。
But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful 4
deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.
但是,对于站在通向正义之宫艰险门槛上的人们,有一些话我必须要说。在我们争取合法地位的过程中,切不要错误行事导致犯罪。我们切不要吞饮仇恨辛酸的苦酒,来解除对于自由的饮渴。我们应该永远得体地、纪律严明地进行斗争。我们不能容许我们富有创造性的抗议沦为暴力行动。我们应该不断升华到用灵魂力量对付肉体力量的崇高境界。【马丁路德金简介】
The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro
community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.
席卷黑人社会的新的奇迹般的战斗精神,不应导致我们对所有白人的不信任——因为许多白人兄弟已经认识到:他们的命运同我们的命运紧密相连,他们的自由同我们的自由休戚相关。他们今天来到这里参加集会就是明证。
We cannot walk alone.
我们不能单独行动。
And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.
当我们行动时,我们必须保证勇往直前。【马丁路德金简介】
We cannot turn back.
我们不能后退。
There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has
nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until "justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream."
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Martin Luther King, Jr. (January 15, 1929 – April 4, 1968) was an American clergyman, activist, and
Martin Luther King, Jr. (January 15, 1929 – April 4, 1968) was an American clergyman, activist, and prominent leader in the African American civil rights movement. His main legacy was to secure progress on civil rights in the United States, and he has become a human rights icon: King is recognized as a martyr by two Christian churches.[1] A Baptist minister, King became a civil rights activist early in his career. He led the 1955 Montgomery Bus Boycott and helped found the Southern Christian Leadership Conference in 1957, serving as its first president. King's efforts led to the 1963 March on Washington, where King delivered his "I Have a Dream" speech. There, he raised public consciousness of the civil rights movement and established himself as one of the greatest orators in U.S. history. In 1964, King became the youngest person to receive the Nobel Peace Prize for his work to end racial segregation and racial discrimination through civil disobedience and other non-violent means. By the time of his death in 1968, he had refocused his efforts on ending poverty and the Vietnam War, both from a religious perspective. King was
assassinated on April 4, 1968, in Memphis, Tennessee. He was posthumously awarded the Presidential Medal of Freedom in 1977 and Congressional Gold Medal in 2004; Martin Luther King, Jr. Day was established as a U.S. national holiday in 1986.
Populist tradition and Black populism
Harry C. Boyte, a self-proclaimed populist, field secretary of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference and white civil rights activist describes an episode in his life that gives insight on some of King's influences:
My first encounter with deeper meanings of populism came when I was nineteen, working as a field secretary for the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) in St. Augustine, Florida in 1964. One day I was caught by five men and a woman who were members of the Ku Klux Klan. They accused me of being a "communist and a Yankee." I replied, "I'm no Yankee – my family has been in the South since before the Revolution. And I'm not a communist. I'm a populist. I believe that blacks and poor whites should join to do something about the big shots who keep us divided." For a few minutes we talked about what such a movement might look like. Then they let me go.
When he learned of the incident, Martin Luther King, head of SCLC, told me that he identified with the populist tradition and assigned me to organize poor whites.
Thurman
Civil rights leader, theologian, and educator Howard Thurman was an early influence on King. A classmate of King's father at Morehouse College, Thurman mentored the young King and his friends. Thurman's missionary work had taken him abroad where he had met and conferred with Mahatma Gandhi. When he was a student at Boston University, King
often visited Thurman, who was the dean of Marsh Chapel. Walter Fluker, who has
studied Thurman's writings, has stated, "I don't believe you'd get a Martin Luther King, Jr. without a Howard Thurman".
Gandhi and Rustin
Inspired by Gandhi's success with non-violent activism, King visited Gandhi's birthplace in India in 1959, with assistance from the Quaker group the American Friends Service Committee. The trip to India affected King in a profound way, deepening his
understanding of non-violent resistance and his commitment to America's struggle for civil rights. In a radio address made during his final evening in India, King reflected, "Since being in India, I am more convinced than ever before that the method of nonviolent resistance is the most potent weapon available to oppressed people in their struggle for justice and human dignity. In a real sense, Mahatma Gandhi embodied in his life certain universal principles that are inherent in the moral structure of the universe, and these principles are as inescapable as the law of gravitation." African American civil rights activist Bayard Rustin, who had studied Gandhi's teachings, counseled King to dedicate himself to the principles of non-violence, served as King's main advisor and mentor throughout his early activism, and was the main organizer of the 1963 March on
Washington.Rustin's open homosexuality, support of democratic socialism, and his former ties to the Communist Party USA caused many white and African-American leaders to demand King distance himself from Rustin.
Montgomery Bus Boycott, 1955
In March 1955, a fifteen-year-old school girl, Claudette Colvin, refused to give up her bus seat to a white man in compliance with the Jim Crow laws. King was on the committee from the Birmingham African-American community that looked into the case; Edgar Nixon and Clifford Durr decided to wait for a better case to pursue. On December 1, 1955, Rosa Parks was arrested for refusing to give up her seat. The Montgomery Bus Boycott, urged and planned by Nixon and led by King, soon followed.The boycott lasted for 385 days, and the situation became so tense that King's house was bombed. King was arrested during this campaign, which ended with a United States District Court ruling in Browder v. Gayle that ended racial segregation on all Montgomery public buses.
March on Washington, 1963
King, representing SCLC, was among the leaders of the so-called "Big Six" civil rights organizations who were instrumental in the organization of the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom, which took place on August 28, 1963. The other leaders and
organizations comprising the Big Six were: Roy Wilkins from the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People; Whitney Young, National Urban League; A. Philip Randolph, Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters; John Lewis, SNCC; and James L. Farmer, Jr. of the Congress of Racial Equality. The primary logistical and strategic organizer was King's colleague Bayard Rustin. For King, this role was another which courted controversy, since he was one of the key figures who acceded to the wishes of President John F. Kennedy in changing the focus of the march. Kennedy initially opposed the march outright, because he was concerned it would negatively impact the drive for
passage of civil rights legislation, but the organizers were firm that the march would proceed.
The march originally was conceived as an event to dramatize the desperate condition of blacks in the southern United States and a very public opportunity to place organizers' concerns and grievances squarely before the seat of power in the nation's capital.
Organizers intended to excoriate and then challenge the federal government for its failure to safeguard the civil rights and physical safety of civil rights workers and blacks, generally, in the South. However, the group acquiesced to presidential pressure and influence, and the event ultimately took on a far less strident tone. As a result, some civil rights activists felt it presented an inaccurate, sanitized pageant of racial harmony; Malcolm X called it the "Farce on Washington," and members of the Nation of Islam were not permitted to attend the march.
The march did, however, make specific demands: an end to racial segregation in public school; meaningful civil rights legislation, including a law prohibiting racial discrimination in employment; protection of civil rights workers from police brutality; a $2 minimum wage for all workers; and self-government for Washington, D.C., then governed by congressional committee. Despite tensions, the march was a resounding success. More than a quarter million people of diverse ethnicities attended the event, sprawling from the steps of the Lincoln Memorial onto the National Mall and around the reflecting pool. At the time, it was the largest gathering of protesters in Washington's history. King's "I Have a Dream" speech electrified the crowd. It is regarded, along with Abraham Lincoln's Gettysburg Address and Franklin D. Roosevelt's Infamy Speech, as one of the finest speeches in the history of American oratory.
Assassination
On March 29, 1968, King went to Memphis, Tennessee in support of the black sanitary public works employees, represented by AFSCME Local 1733, who had been on strike since March 12 for higher wages and better treatment. In one incident, black street
repairmen received pay for two hours when they were sent home because of bad weather, but white employees were paid for the full day.
Martin Luther King, Jr. Day
At the White House Rose Garden on November 2, 1983, President Ronald Reagan signed a bill creating a federal holiday to honor King. Observed for the first time on
January 20, 1986, it is called Martin Luther King, Jr. Day. Following President George H. W. Bush's 1992 proclamation, the holiday is observed on the third Monday of January each year, near the time of King's birthday. On January 17, 2000, for the first time, Martin Luther King Jr. Day was officially observed in all fifty U.S. states.
1948年大学毕业。1948年到1951年间,在美国东海岸的费城继续深造。1963年,马丁·路德·金晋见了肯尼迪总统,要求通过新的民权法,给黑人以平等的权利。1963年8月28日在林肯纪念堂前发表《我有一个梦想》的演说。1964年度诺贝尔和平奖获得者。1968年4月,马丁·路德·金前往孟菲斯市领导工人罢工被人谋杀,年仅39岁。1986年起美国政府将
每年1月的第三个星期一定为马丁路德金全国纪念日。另有美国著名历史学家阿瑟·施莱辛格(Arthur M.Schlesinger,Jr.,1917-2007)以该人物事迹出版了同名人物传记。 个人简介
马丁·路德·金(Dr.Martin Luther King),将“非暴力(”nonviolence)和“直接行动(”direct action)作为社会变革方法的最为突出的倡导者之一。1929 年1月15日,马丁·路德·金在亚特兰大(Atlanta)出生。他是牧师亚当·丹尼尔·威廉姆斯(Rev. A.D. Williams)的外孙,威廉姆斯是埃比尼泽浸信会(Ebenezer Baptist Church)的牧师和全国有色人种协进会(NAACP)亚特兰大分会的发起人;他是老马丁·路德·金(Martin Luther King, Sr.)的儿子,老马丁·路德·金继承父亲威廉姆斯成了埃比尼泽的牧师。 金的家族发源于非洲裔美国人的浸信会。在结束亚特兰大莫尔浩司学院(Morehouse College)的学业后,金又在宾夕法尼亚州(Pennsylvania)的克劳泽神学院(Crozer Theological Seminary)和波士顿(Boston University)大学就读,在学习中,他加深了对神学的认识并探究圣雄甘地(Mahatma Gandhi)在社会改革方面的非暴力策略。
1953年,金和柯瑞塔·斯科特(Coretta Scott)结婚。第二年,他在阿拉巴马州(Alabama)蒙哥马利(Montgomery)的德克斯特大街浸信会(Dexter Avenue Baptist Church)当了一名牧师。1955年,他获得了系统神学的博士学位。1955年12月5日 ,民权积极分子罗莎·帕克斯(Rosa Parks)拒绝遵从蒙哥马利公车上的种族隔离政策,在此之后,黑人居民发起了对公共汽车抵制运动(bus boycott)并选举金作他们新形式下蒙格马利权利促进协会(Montgomery Improvement Association)的领头人。公共汽车抵制运动在 1956 年持续一年,金因其领导地位而名声大噪。 1956 年12 月,美国最高法院宣布阿拉巴马州的种族隔离法律违反宪法,蒙哥马利市公车上的种族隔离规定也被废除。为了寻求蒙哥马利胜利后的进一步发展,金和其他的南部黑人领袖于 1957 年建立了南方基督教领袖会议
(Southern Christian Leadership Conference, SCLC)。1959年,金到印度游历并进一步发展了甘地的非暴力策略。那年年底,金辞去了德克斯特的职务并返回亚特兰大,和他的父亲共同成为一名埃比尼泽浸信会牧师。
1960 年,黑人大学生们揭起了入座抗议(sit-in protests)的浪潮,这促进了学生非暴力协调委员会(Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, SNCC)的形成。金支持学生运动,并对创建南方基督教领袖会议的青年分部表现出兴趣。学生激进分子很钦慕金,但他们不满于金自上而下的领导作风,进而决定取得自治。作为学生非暴力协调委员会的顾问,曾经担任过南方基督教领袖会议副主管的埃拉·贝克( Ella Baker )向其他民权组织代表阐明,学生非暴力协调委员会将仍是一个学生领导的组织。1961年“自由乘车运动(”Freedom Rides)中,金由于拒绝参加活动而受到批评,加剧了他同青年激进分子的紧张关系。南方基督教领袖会议和学生非暴力协调委员会之间的矛盾在1961年和1962年的奥尔巴尼运动(Albany Movement)中继续着。
1963 年春天,金和南方基督教领袖会议领导人在阿拉巴马州的伯明翰(Birmingham)领导了群众示威。此地以白人警方强烈反对种族融合而著称。徒手的黑人示威者与装备着警犬和消防水枪的警察之间的冲突,作为报纸头条新闻遍及世界各地。总统肯尼迪(President Kennedy)对伯明翰的抗议做出了回应,他向国会提出放宽民权立法的要求,这促成了 1964 年民权法案(Civil Rights Act of 1964)的通过。稍后,在 1963年8月28日 ,群众示威行动在“华盛顿工作与自由游行”(March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom)的运动过程中达到高潮,此次示威运动中有超过二十五万的抗议者聚集在华盛顿特区。在林肯纪念馆的台阶上,金发表了“我有一个梦想”(I Have a Dream)的著名演讲。
金的声望随着1963 年成为时代周刊(Time magazine)的年度人物和 1964 年获得诺贝尔和平奖(Nobel Peace Prize)而持续上升。然而,除了名气和赞美,运动内部领导层也出现了矛盾。马尔科姆·爱克斯(Malcolm X)的正当防卫和黑人民族主义理念引起了北方的共鸣,城市黑人的作用力超过了金为非暴力所作的号召。同时,金还要面对“黑力”运动(Black Power)发起人斯托克利·卡迈克尔(Stokely Carmichael)的公开批评。
不仅金的努力效果受到黑人领导层状况的干扰,而且他也遭受到来自国家行政领导人日渐增强的阻挠。1967年城市种族间暴力升级, 美国联邦调查局(FBI) 主管埃德加·胡佛(J. Edgar Hoover)则趁机加强了破坏金领导力的全面努力。加之金对美国介入越南战争的公开批评,使得他与林德·约翰逊(Lyndon Johnson)政府关系紧张。
1967年年底,金发起了意在对抗经济问题的穷人运动(Poor People's Campaign),这项活动并没有得到早期民权革新运动者的支持。其后一年,在支持孟菲斯(Memphis)清洁工人的罢工中,他发表了最后演讲“我已到达顶峰”(I've Been to the Mountaintop)。第二天,1968年4月4日,金被刺杀。
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